“Because he doesn’t deliberately flaunt power,
Instead, he gains real authority.”
In early May, during an event at the White House Rose Garden, Trump, while lavishing praise on his own achievements, singled out a figure in the front row.
“Whenever I encounter a problem, I call Marco. He always solves it,” Trump pointed to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo.
After the Rose Garden event, Trump announced on social media that he was nominating Waltz as the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, with Pompeo acting as Acting Secretary of State for National Security Affairs, and Waltz being transferred from the position of National Security Advisor to the Ambassadorship to the United Nations. According to Politico, some of Trump’s advisors were intentionally making Pompeo’s new appointment a long-term arrangement.
This personnel decision also means that Pompeo will need to take on multiple roles. After being unanimously approved by the Senate in January with a 99:0 vote as Secretary of State, he has successively taken over as Acting Director of the U.S. Agency for International Development and Acting Director of the National Archives and Records Administration. The New York Times humorously described Pompeo as “the Minister Who Does Everything.”
Although he rose to prominence due to others’ mistakes, this indeed marks a significant turning point in Pompeo’s career. Now, he has his own office in the West Wing of the White House, just steps away from Trump’s Oval Office, while Waltz is “exiled” to New York thousands of miles away. “In Washington, proximity means opportunities,” said Gregory Trevett, former chairman of the National Intelligence Council.
On May 1st, Mike Pompeo was in the White House Rose Garden. Photo/Visual China
A few months ago, all this seemed unimaginable.
In February, when Trump and Vaneski accused Ukrainian President Zelenskyy face-to-face in the White House, Pompeo, looking gloomy and curled up on a sofa, remained silent, seeming somewhat out of place.
After the incident, Rubio sought to make amends on social media: “Thank you, President, for your unprecedented courage in standing up for America. Thank you for placing America first.”
When Rubio took office as Secretary of State in January, some American media and political figures were pessimistically predicting that he would be the first official to leave the Trump administration, possibly not lasting more than six months. This scene further deepened many people’s perception: Rubio, as Secretary of State, has been a rather humiliated position.
Before entering the State Department, Rubio was known for his tough stance on foreign affairs, advocating interventionist policies, insisting that the United States must support Ukraine against Russia, which were considered contrary to the MAGA philosophy. Therefore, to some extent, Rubio did not have the status and authority that previous Secretaries had. Secretaries like Kissinger, John Kerry, and Hillary Clinton often had more influence and power than the Vice President. However, during Trump’s second term, several special envoys were appointed, overlapping with Rubio’s authority.
When Rubio took over as Acting Director of the U.S. Agency for International Development, this major U.S. foreign aid agency was essentially dismantled by the government efficiency department (DOGE) led by Musk. Yet, he had to bear the blame and pressure from Congress, courts, and staff members. The conflict eventually erupted when Musk accused him of failing to complete the State Department’s layoff task in front of Trump. Rubio, unusually firm, retorted that the reform of the State Department should be more thoughtful and orderly. According to The New York Times, Trump sided with Rubio in this dispute.
“(Trump’s White House) is like a snake pit,” one former Trump administration official described to Politico. However, the official noted that Rubio seemed very adept at maneuvering, lobbying, and garnering support within it.
与上一个任期不同，特朗普的“蛇窝”在过去几个月运作更纪律严明，而这主要归功于鲁比奥的同乡、白宫办公厅主任苏茜·怀尔斯。根据怀尔斯在社交平台上的自述，她的特长是“从混乱中创造秩序”，“扭转局势和观念”。
然而，据美国媒体披露，同样来自佛罗里达州的华尔兹在担任总统国家安全事务助理时，常常对怀尔斯的工作指手画脚、不够尊敬。而鲁比奥与怀尔斯的关系一直很融洽。2024年，她曾力挺鲁比奥出任副总统；最近当特朗普为找谁接替华尔兹而发愁时，也是她向特朗普建议选择鲁比奥。
除去特朗普最亲密助手的扶持，鲁比奥实现逆势崛起的关键，还在于他一直积极地采纳和推行特朗普的政策，即使这些政策与他过去的立场相悖。
在特朗普第一任期，像约翰·博尔顿这样的建制派鹰派官员常常违背特朗普的意愿，执行自己偏好的政策。国防部和军队高层也屡屡阻挠特朗普从叙利亚和阿富汗撤军的计划。
在进入国务院时，鲁比奥明确表示将执行特朗普的意志，而非自己的理念。他过去频繁强调自己家族的古巴移民背景，但如今不遗余力地推动特朗普的反移民政策，包括吊销大量学生签证，将无证移民驱逐到萨尔瓦多监狱；他曾经支持乌克兰抵抗到底，现在则全力劝导泽连斯基与俄罗斯寻求和平；他没有像同为鹰派的华尔兹一样“搞小动作”，在国务院安插抵制特朗普的“新保守主义者”；当特朗普密友威特科夫从他手里分走权力时，鲁比奥似乎也欣然接受。
“Some of his former colleagues hoped he would become the ‘grown-up in the room,’ but this completely misinterprets our constitutional system. The President is elected by the people, and it is he who formulates foreign policy. The Secretary of State and others are responsible for implementing this vision,” a senior staffer from Rubio told the media.
As a result, with departments being streamlined or undergoing major overhauls, Rubio has been granted new titles one after another.
The Washington Post analyzed that behind Rubio’s rise lies a paradox: “It’s precisely because he doesn’t deliberately flaunt power that he gains real authority.” Leslie Wenjumuri, director of the American Program at the Cato Institute, pointed out that Rubio has proven himself willing to align with Trump and follow his path. “The core of this administration is loyalty, both personal and mission-driven.”
For Rubio, the past eight years have been a journey of rebirth: learning from failures and finding direction within the Republican Party led by Trump.
In 2016, when he decided to challenge the Republican presidential nomination, Rubio seemed to have seized the right moment and location. The Republican Party, summarizing its experience of losing twice to the Democrats, concluded that to win back the White House, they needed to attract more young, minority voters. And Rubio seemed to be the most suitable Republican for this strategy.
Born in 1971 in Miami, Florida, to a Cuban immigrant family, Rubio had a smooth political career before meeting Trump. He made his mark in politics without any election defeats: he became a prominent figure in the political scene in his twenties, and at the age of 35, he became the youngest Speaker of the House in the state’s history, and in 2010, he entered the Senate with the Tea Party’s support.
“Looking back on his political career, it was an extraordinary ascent,”
“Florida Republican former chairman and Rubio’s mentor, Al Kadenas, told the media, “He came from humble beginnings. After graduating from law school, he entered politics through small municipal elections and later ascended to the position of a federal senator for one of the three largest states in the United States. From the perspective of outsiders, his rise is quite remarkable.”
When Rubio entered the Senate, the Republican Party was engaged in discussions on how to enhance party inclusivity. Many, including Rubio, believed that advancing immigration reform could win Latino voters’ support.
In 2012, when Democrats extended an olive branch, Rubio seized this opportunity to join the bipartisan group drafting immigration reform legislation called the “Eight” in the Senate. This immigration bill planned to invest over $40 billion in border security while providing millions of undocumented residents with legal status. At that time, he also appeared on Time magazine as its cover story, being dubbed “the Republican savior.”
“My father asked someone to write ‘I’m looking for a job’ on a piece of paper. He memorized these words in his heart, which was his first English sentence,” Rubio said emotionally when presenting the immigration reform bill in the Senate in 2013. He stated his support for the reform not only because he believes in immigration but also because he believes in America.
Being articulate has always been a prominent trait in Rubio’s character. He is particularly skilled at telling family immigration stories, resonating with families who have similar experiences. Dan Goerke, the Democratic leader of the Florida House of Representatives, once commented, “Rubio’s speeches can make young women fall in love and old women faint, even the toilet flushes itself.”
However, although the bill passed in the Senate, it stalled in the House.
Due to criticism from right-wing voters and the media for being too lenient towards illegal immigrants and a decline in support, Rubio even declared his departure from the bill before its failure and later turned against it.
According to records from the U.S. Congress, after the immigration reform bill failed, Rubio almost completely stopped discussing immigration issues. However, when he announced his candidacy for president in 2016, he continued to focus on his immigration status, claiming to be a sample of the American Dream: “In many countries, the highest positions are reserved for the wealthy and the elite. But I live in an extraordinary nation where a bartender and a maid’s son can have the same dreams and futures as those of the elite.”
In the primary elections, 44-year-old Rubio faced off against 63-year-old mentor Jeb Bush.
In 1998, while running for mayor of Miami, Rubio received a $50 check from Bush, who was about to become the governor of Florida. This thrilled Rubio, who had just entered politics: Bush came from a political family, with both his father and brother having served as president of the United States, and himself being one of the most powerful figures in Florida politics.
Over the next few years, they formed an alliance. Rubio supported Bush’s agenda in the state senate, and Bush introduced Rubio to donors and endorsements. After Rubio was elected Speaker of the House in 2005, Bush gave him a sword, hoping that Rubio would carry forward his conservative ideals. This alliance continued after Bush left office in 2007: Rubio recruited more than ten of Bush’s assistants to work for him, while Bush helped Rubio win the federal Senate election in 2010 by defeating Republican establishment candidates.
In 2016, Rubio removed the sword given to him by Bush from a prominent location in his office. The presidential election led these former allies to part ways.
They know each other well, and this can actually become the sharpest weapon against each other.
In a debate, Bush challenged Rubio, criticizing his absence from Senate votes and his laziness: “Isn’t the Senate like France’s schedule?” Rubio calmly looked at Bush, with pity in his voice: “I don’t remember you complaining about John McCain’s voting record. The only reason you’re doing this now is that we’re competing for the same position, and someone has convinced you attacking me will help you.”
“Someone has convinced you” was a devastating blow, portraying Bush as a misled, desperate old politician. When Bush tried to defend himself with a forced smile, Rubio turned to the camera: “My campaign will focus on America’s future, not attacking anyone on stage. I still hold great respect and admiration for Governor Bush.” The New Yorker magazine described it as sounding like a funeral oration.
Before the Republican primary, Rubio had always avoided discussing Trump. As the list of candidates narrowed and Trump established a leading position, Rubio began to adopt the personal attacks and insults he was accustomed to using: he accused Trump of being a “crook who stole conservativeism”; he mocked Trump’s uneven skin color, suggesting it wouldn’t make America great but would turn it into “a pumpkin.” Many believed that Rubio’s verbal attacks pushed the boundaries of presidential campaigning, worrying some voters that he was too young and impetuous without enough experience to be a president.
This defeat was a significant setback in Rubio’s political career. Afterward, Rubio reduced his time managing public image, focusing on the work of the Senate Intelligence Committee and building extensive networks both inside and outside the party as well as internationally. “After returning to the Senate after losing the presidential election, I indeed saw a change in him,” he said.
He focused more on advancing various policy initiatives… Was it because he had more time in the Senate, or because running for president taught him humility? Such experiences can indeed make anyone more composed,” said Lisa Murkowski, Republican Senator from Alaska.
Despite personal animosities, Rubio expressed his support for Trump during his nomination. This shows Rubio’s pragmatic side, willing to attack old allies and also cooperate with former enemies. In politics, turning adversaries into friends is not uncommon for Trump either. He values Rubio’s composure in front of the camera, his influence within the traditional Republican camp, and his extensive diplomatic experience. During his first term, Trump often called Rubio to ask about his views on Latin American affairs, seeking policy advice on issues such as Cuba, Venezuela, and Colombia.
After Trump announced his candidacy for the 2024 presidential election, unlike Van Jones and Wazner, Rubio did not go to court to support Trump during his criminal trial nor did he spare no effort in fundraising for him. Instead, he adopted a more subtle way of expressing his support. In April 2024, he voted against a massive aid package for Ukraine, arguing that it did not address the country’s own border issues.
Mike Fussell, the former majority leader of the Florida House of Representatives, was not surprised by Rubio’s political shift. Fussell had included Rubio in his leadership team shortly after Rubio entered the state legislature, hoping that this rising star of the Republican Party would carry forward Ronald Reagan’s conservative ideals. However, Fussell soon realized that Rubio “was always a man who could change direction at will.”
“If someone had insulted me like that during the campaign for president, I think anyone would feel uncomfortable now, being so eager to please. But Marco is just like that, always has been. He’ll do whatever it takes to get what he wants,” said Fussell.
For a change in stance, Rubio has his own explanation. After the 2016 election, “I visited many unfamiliar places and met people I had never seen before, which made me realize that for so many Americans, the American Dream I passionately advocated for was becoming increasingly elusive.” In an interview with CNN, Rubio stated that over time, he gradually understood that Trump was speaking on behalf of these overlooked voices.
If the Department of Government Efficiency requires Rubio to write weekly reports on recent work, the content will certainly be rich. Since assuming the role as National Security Advisor to the President, he has coordinated dialogues between India and Pakistan, advanced peace negotiations between Ukraine and Russia, been at the forefront of Trump’s first Middle East trip during his second term, and begun a major overhaul of the National Security Council.
The position of National Security Advisor to the President is never easy. Thomas Wright, a former official of the National Security Council under Biden, mentioned that Jack Schorr and his deputy work more than 14 hours a day, six days a week, “to do this job well, you have to invest so much time.” Brent Scowcroft, who served under Ford and George W. Bush, is considered the benchmark for this position. According to Arthur House, who worked with him, Scowcroft would arrive at the White House by 8 a.m. and leave after 10 p.m., ready to be on call around the clock.
Now teaching at the University of Connecticut, House candidly states that Trump’s decision to remove Waltz was reasonable, but that Rubio taking on two roles simultaneously was a mistake. House explains that although the role of National Security Advisor to the President overlaps with that of Secretary of State, there are fundamental differences between them, both requiring full-time commitment.
As the highest-ranking official in national security policy, the National Security Advisor must be proficient in diplomacy, intelligence, economics, and defense to accurately convey the opinions of various departments. The Secretary of State, on the other hand, not only manages the vast State Department but also maintains alliances and communicates with adversaries. Moreover, the National Security Advisor is almost always by the President’s side, while the Secretary of State’s duties require frequent travel.
During the years 1973 to 1975, Kissinger served as both the President’s National Security Advisor and Secretary of State at the same time as Robert Lubbock. During Kissinger’s dual role, Scowcroft served as his deputy, managing the daily operations of the National Security Council in the White House. Despite this arrangement, Nixon’s personnel decision was ultimately deemed a failure.
“Departments will have disagreements due to differences in institutional positions and functions, and the work of the National Security Council is precisely to coordinate and resolve these disputes. The Department of Defense and other agencies involved in national security affairs believe that Kissinger’s dual role has tilted everything towards him, which is unfair,” stated John Bolton, former National Security Advisor to Trump.
Trevor Downey, who worked with three U.S. presidents’ National Security Advisors, noted that the position is fundamentally one of “coordination.” “Just like (Clinton’s National Security Advisor) Sandy Berger said, you have to convince your colleagues that you can fairly convey their views, or else the whole system will collapse,” he explained.
On the third day of his new post, at 4:30 PM on May 23rd, before the Memorial Day holiday weekend, Lubbock instructed Brian McCormack, the Director of the Office of the National Security Council, to send an email to over 100 staff members of the agency, requesting them to resign by Friday’s end, within 30 minutes.
The National Security Council, established in 1947, serves as the highest think tank for the President of the United States, providing policy advice and implementing presidential decisions across various government departments. The council is divided into different departments based on region and issue areas, with officials appointed by political appointments serving as department leaders, and professional officers from the Department of Defense, State Department, and other government agencies are brought in to complete specific tasks. During the Carter administration, the staff of the National Security Council numbered about 150 people. By the Biden administration, this number had increased to approximately 350.
Trump’s relationship with the National Security Council has always been tense. During his first term, due to accusations from members of the council, Trump was impeached for abuse of power. He quickly retaliated by cutting nearly half of the council’s staff. After Trump returned to the White House, the National Security Council became the first agency to be purged. In April, under Walz’s leadership, a right-wing internet personality accused the council members of being disloyal to Trump’s agenda, leading to several high-ranking officials being dismissed.
“This is a war between Rubio and the Deep State,” explained a White House official after the broader purge in May. The National Security Council faced serious bureaucratic issues and most of the transferred officials did not align with Trump’s ideology. This official hinted that these dismissed employees were tools of the “Deep State,” sent to slow down decision-making processes and internally oppose Trump.
For those loyal to Trump, the National Security Council’s role in constraining presidential power seemed unnecessary. “If your officials are fighting among themselves, and each department is always in a land grab, you might need this process. But it’s not like that here. Rubio, (Secretary of the Treasury) Bessenter, (Secretary of Defense) Hagege, (Attorney General) Bondi, they all know each other, appreciate each other, and they understand they are there to execute the President’s will.”
“When I heard Rubio wanted to change its function, I asked what he wanted to change it to?”
Richard Clark, who once served on the National Security Council under a bipartisan administration, expressed concern over Trump’s repositioning of the agency.
According to media disclosures, the restructured National Security Council will change its operational approach, no longer relying on a large number of staff members providing policy advice to Trump but instead implementing his directives top-down.
“Trump is destroying the world order established after World War II, yet he fails to propose any viable alternatives. In this critical moment, we are trapped in an chaotic national security system, with a Secretary of State who is overwhelmed and a President who acts solely based on intuition,” Haus also expressed unease about the current operation of the U.S. national security system.
Facing controversy, Rubio responded in a written statement: “The adjustment of the size of the National Security Council aligns with its original purpose and the president’s vision.”
In late May, Rubio first appeared before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee as the Secretary of State. Faced with these long-time colleagues, he began with a humorous tone: “It is my honor to testify as the Director of the National Archives and Records Administration.”
In the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which has always emphasized bipartisan cooperation, the hearing presented a distinctly partisan tone: Republicans praised him, while Democrats raised sharp questions. Among them, Democratic Senator Chris Van Hollen engaged in a particularly intense exchange with Rubio. Van Hollen questioned whether Trump’s significant cuts in foreign aid, dissolution of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), and suspension of refugee admissions were weakening America’s global influence, demanding an explanation from Rubio.
“I must candidly tell you that I regret supporting you as Secretary of State,” Van Hollen said frankly, pointing out that he betrayed his position during his tenure in the Senate.
Rubio immediately countered, “You regret voting for me, which proves that I did well.”