After 11 years of silence, the square in Kyiv, the capital of Ukraine, has once again become a hub of activity.
According to Global Times, on July 22nd and 23rd local time, street protests broke out across Ukraine, protesting against the suppression by the Zelensky administration of independent anti-corruption agencies.
This marks the first time since the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict over three years that Ukraine has experienced such a large-scale anti-government protest.
In the midst of ongoing warfare and stalled negotiations, this sudden surge of public anger has shattered the surface calm of Ukrainian society and casts a shadow over both the Ukrainian-Russian conflict and domestic politics.
The bright flashes of lights, high-hanging banners with slogans like “Shame” and “Reject,” and neatly arranged signs proclaiming “Disgrace” and “Rejection”… On the evening of the 22nd, about 1500 protesters gathered outside the presidential palace in Kyiv’s center, including civilians, veterans, and soldiers, predominantly women and young people.
The reason for their gathering was due to an extremely controversial bill passed by the Ukrainian Parliament’s Supreme Duma hours earlier.
Pushed by the party led by Zelensky, the bill stripped two independent anti-corruption agencies—the National Anti-Corruption Commission and the Special Prosecutor Office—of their investigative and prosecution powers, placing them under the direct control of the Attorney General appointed by the President.
What angered the public even more was that just hours after the bill was passed, Zelensky ignored public opposition and quickly signed it into law.
Indeed, the government’s “attack” was not without warning.
Just the day before, the Ukrainian security services raided these two anti-corruption agencies, claiming they had been penetrated by Russian intelligence and were investigating individuals within Zelensky’s circle.
“This is a sad moment, meaning we have regressed back to those days,” said Naim, a former Ukrainian parliamentarian who participated in the protest.
More than a decade ago, Ukrainian citizens had protested against the corruption of the then-President Yanukovych at the same square, ultimately pushing him from power.
如今，不少抗议者将这次集会视为新一轮“广场抗议”，怒斥泽连斯基背叛了国家。
与基辅独立广场上的怒火相呼应，22日，利沃夫、第聂伯河和敖德萨等大城市也爆发抗议集会。
面对汹涌的民意，泽连斯基于22日午夜的视频讲话中称，已与涉事反腐机构负责人沟通，机构将继续运作，但必须“清除俄罗斯的影响”。
然而，这番口头承诺并未平息民众怒火。
次日，抗议愈演愈烈。基辅街头的抗议人数明显增多，标语直接点名“战时总统”本人，质问“你疯了吗”“我为什么要支持一个不保护我的体制”。
此外，抗议还向哈尔科夫、扎波罗热、日托米尔和切尔诺夫策等多个城市蔓延。部分民众甚至无视宵禁，冒险上街表达愤怒。
乌克兰的西方支持者纷纷表达关切。
欧盟委员会22日警告称，援助乌克兰的前提是其在透明度、司法改革和民主治理方面取得实质性进展。
美国乌克兰问题特使凯洛格之女梅根·莫布斯更是直言，乌克兰议员的决定“愚蠢至极”，无异于向反援乌势力送上“礼物”。
中国社科院俄罗斯东欧中亚研究所乌克兰研究室主任赵会荣
指出，乌政府此举既让人意外，又让人不意外。
不意外在于，自俄乌冲突发生以来，乌克兰政治生态的显著特征便是权力集中化。泽连斯基借助戒严令，将权力从政府、议会向本人和总统办公室聚集。战时状态下，其权力超过乌克兰独立以来任何一位总统。对司法系统和反腐机构的打压，正是权力集中于执政团队的表现。
Surprisingly, firstly, these two anti-corruption agencies were established in the context of a deeper Western involvement in Ukrainian politics following the “Color Revolution” in 2014. They are specifically tasked with combating corruption and their personnel composition and operations are guided by the West. Ukraine has always valued its relationship with the West and is eager to join the European Union and NATO. However, it has now weakened the power of these two institutions.
Secondly, the West’s response to this situation is subtle. While expressing “deep concerns,” the criticism from the West far exceeds the expectations of the Ukrainian public. Against the backdrop of highly diplomatic domestic politics in Ukraine and domestic decisions closely aligning with the West’s strategy of “weakening Russia,” the West has shown great leniency towards Ukrainian internal affairs, including corruption issues.
This marks the largest scale of anti-government protests since the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in February 2022. However, this is not the first time street protests have occurred.
As early as on the 19th of last month, thousands of protesters gathered in the center of Kyiv demanding that the government return the union hall illegally occupied by the National Anti-Corruption and Crime Asset Identification, Tracking, and Management Agency, accusing the agency of autocratic corruption and demanding a change in leadership.
In just one month, the protest activities resurfaced, although not directly related to the Russia-Ukraine conflict, they clearly indicate that the public’s discontent is building up, and the “wartime solidarity” is under test.
According to various sources, the reason for such a large-scale protest was closely related to the special status of the involved institutions in the democratic process of Ukraine.
From a symbolic perspective, these two institutions represent Ukraine’s determination to break free from the old regime and fight against high-level corruption, as well as a crucial political threshold towards joining the European Union and securing Western aid.
In practical terms, the public is anxious about the increasingly closed-off and socially disconnected nature of the Zelensky administration, fearing that the new legislation will undermine the progress made in fighting corruption over the past decade, weaken supervision over key areas such as military procurement, and ultimately affect frontline morale and execution.
“我们正在失去大片领土，士兵越来越难找到继续抵抗的动力。政府这种决策让人灰心丧气。”29岁的退伍军人奥列克桑德·特伦说。
赵会荣指出，腐败是乌克兰国家治理能力较弱的体现，也是其独立30多年来的顽疾，在整个“后苏联空间”较为典型。俄乌冲突爆发以来，腐败未得到根本解决，还出现逃避征兵、高官贪污等新形式。
去年9月，泽连斯基曾因腐败问题大规模调整政府班底，试图平息民怨。如今，民众又因同样的问题走上街头，显示出对政府的不满已达到一定程度，希望有真正独立的机构监督政府。
除了腐败本身，旷日持久的战事也在深刻撕裂乌克兰社会。战场形势愈发不利，伤亡数字攀升，物资保障不足，前线战士处境危险。在这种焦灼背景下，社会不满情绪不断升温，对和平的渴望愈发强烈。
“战时团结”还在吗？
面对席卷多地的大规模抗议，泽连斯基以“平静应对”为主，并于23日晚作出让步，承诺将向议会提交新法案，恢复反腐机构的独立性。
不过，西方观察人士担心，这轮抗议矛头越发直指泽连斯基本人，可能引发连锁反应：不仅暴露出“战时团结”的明显裂痕，也可能动摇西方援助意愿以及泽连斯基的执政基础。
赵会荣指出，本次事件的本质，是腐败问题与内部权力斗争的激化。从泽连斯基角度看，他正承受多重压力：战事推进不顺、美国对乌政策反复、国内反对派觊觎战后政治安排。在此局势下，他希望利用“战时状态”削弱竞争对手的影响力。
At present, the turmoil has had limited impact on Zelensky’s governance and the situation in Ukraine-Russia.
On one hand, Zelensky adopted a “do not escalate” approach, directing blame towards Russia, claiming that anti-corruption agency personnel were penetrated by Russian forces, thereby using the politically correct term “anti-Russia” to defuse public opinion pressure and ease domestic tensions.
On the other hand, even during wartime, Ukrainian society still exhibits a “flag-gathering effect.” Despite widespread protests spreading across various regions and fluctuating support rates for Zelensky, the parliament and mainstream media continue to prioritize “defending against Russia” as their primary task, emphasizing national stability and unified foreign policy.
As such, unless there are significant military setbacks or governance failures by the Zelensky government, the situation will not fundamentally reverse.
Looking ahead at the direction of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, Zhao Huirong candidly stated that both sides remain sharply opposed, with fighting power not depleted and the war objectives not significantly relaxed. Therefore, the stalemate of “fighting while negotiating” is expected to persist. In the next phase, two key areas of observation are:
First, progress in the battlefield. The Ukrainian army faces shortages in weapons and manpower, and any sudden incident could change the current “exploitation war” pattern.
Second, major power games. Ukraine has become a frontline for geopolitical confrontations between Russia and the West, as well as a critical variable affecting the reconstruction of the European security architecture. Regarding the issue of Ukraine, the policies of relevant major powers not only influence their global strategy but also continuously shape the situation in the entire region.
(Editorial email: ylq@jfdaily.com)
Original title: “In-depth | For the first time in over three years, why has Ukraine erupted in large-scale anti-government protests?”