Recently, German Chancellor Merkel announced a suspension of exports to Israel of weapons that could be used in Gaza. This is a direct response to Israel’s plan to occupy the Gaza City, rooted in the humanitarian crisis facing hundreds of thousands of people in the Gaza Strip.
Previously, Germany’s criticism of Israel’s military actions was only rhetorical. As European countries including Germany take practical actions, both German-Israeli and European-Israeli relations have taken a transformative step.
On August 1st, local time, German Foreign Minister Warnecke visited the Israeli city of Tiberias. Image from Visual China
Recently, Merkel has been saying that during his two visits to Israel in the past two years, he requested Netanyahu not to go too far during closed-door talks. However, both Merkel and Warnecke have focused more on expressing concerns about Israel rather than directly criticizing its actions in Gaza. In November last year, the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for Netanyahu. Merkel has indicated after the election that if Netanyahu comes to Germany, he will not be arrested. Not long ago, Netanyahu even named Germany as the “only rational country.”
Out of a sense of remorse for the systematic massacre of Jews by the Nazis during World War II, German foreign policy towards Israel has been a special priority since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries. When Hamas launched a surprise attack in the fall of 2023, then-German Chancellor Scholz said in a speech to parliament, “At this moment, Germany has only one position, which is to stand by Israel’s side.”
At the end of an interview with West German Radio and Television at the end of May, Merkel said, “Frankly speaking, what the Israeli army is doing in the Gaza Strip now, I cannot understand.” Such actions that “seriously affect civilians” cannot be explained by “fighting against Hamas terrorism.” There was a thunderous applause on site.
However, after the Israeli Security Cabinet meeting, when asked if Germany would change its policy towards Israel, stop supplying weapons, and suspend the European-Israeli agreement, Merkel’s response was to reserve the right to “take such measures,” pending Warnecke’s visit to Israel. Merkel still left room for maneuver.
Before starting his visit to Israel on July 31st, Warnecke’s most important goals had been announced. Apart from achieving a ceasefire in Gaza and promoting humanitarian assistance, in response to “some Israeli politicians who say they want to annex the West Bank,” Warnecke explicitly stated that this was “definitely not acceptable and not in line with international law.” However, before Warnecke’s visit ended, Israel had already made statements about “fully controlling” Gaza City.
Regarding Israel’s policy choices and practices in Gaza, Watzke’s language was strong but still maintained a conservative pro-Israel stance. He criticized the humanitarian crisis in Gaza as an “absolutely intolerable situation” and even warned Israel that continuing such actions would lead to isolation by the international community. He also mentioned the EU’s discussions on sanctions and all the countries preparing to recognize the State of Palestine. On the other hand, he clearly stated that from Germany’s perspective, recognizing the State of Palestine should be done as a last resort.
While speaking, Watzke did not mention the cracks in Berlin politics.
In July, the former leader of the SPD faction, Mützenich, and a foreign policy expert sent a letter to the European Commission severely criticizing Israel’s actions in Gaza, which was supported by the entire faction. The faction leader Milch advocated that “systematic violations of international law must bear consequences.” Vice President Müller stated in an interview with “The Law Report” that he hopes Germany can also sign the EC letter, “recognizing the State of Palestine must not become a taboo, and recognizing it today will not change the terrible situation in Gaza.”
Such public challenges are not unique to the SPD.
Within the Union faction, the conservative faction maintains a tough pro-Israel stance. The highly anticipated Economic Minister Reiche recently called for closer alignment with Israel in a small circle. In comparison, the SPD’s attitude to Israel is more nuanced and balanced, acknowledging historical morality while practicing “critical solidarity” and not回避 the complexity of different perspectives.
In a speech at the Federal Assembly in 2018, the veteran of the CDU, Schiebler, stated that Germany’s responsibility towards Israel is unwavering. Former SPD leader and Foreign Minister Gabriel, meanwhile, used the term “apartheid regime” to describe Israel’s policies in the West Bank on social media. He emphasized the need to support Israel but also clearly point out the drawbacks of settlements in the West Bank.
In the spring of 2024, SPD leader Kloppel published a speech titled “New Thoughts on the Global North-South,” which included recognition of the global southern perspective. Based on this, he emphasized that Israel has the right to self-defense, but this must be accompanied by responsibility to comply with international law and ensure that actions taken in Gaza are proportional, which he expressed “significant doubts” about.
In June 2025, the SPD reached a resolution on the Gaza issue at its party congress and formally urged the government not to impede the EU’s suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement.
Since the start of the latest round of Israeli-Palestinian conflict in October 2023, the EU has been struggling to exert substantial influence.
However, if Germany decides not to block the suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement by the EU, the strongest measures taken so far can be unlocked. “A slight adjustment of Germany’s stance would be decisive,” stated a European diplomat who requested anonymity.
Recently, the international community has been increasingly pressuring Israel. Beyond the EU, even the US government, which has long been seen as an ally of Israel, has acknowledged the existence of a “real famine” in the Gaza Strip. Canada also plans to recognize the State of Palestine at the 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly in September.
Multiple European leaders, including French President Macron and British Prime Minister Starmer, have announced their recognition of the State of Palestine and called for an end to Israeli hostility, providing substantial access for aid agencies to deliver food and medical supplies. The European Commission proposed suspending parts of the EU-Israel agreement.
Prior to Waddoul’s visit to Israel, the European Commission released a strongly-worded situation assessment document, which broke with the usual diplomatic rhetoric and pointed directly to Israel’s violation of international humanitarian law and threatened “almost all of the Gaza population.” This document was circulated among EU envoys the next day, and more and more people are calling for measures, including but not limited to suspending Israel’s participation in the EU’s flagship research program “Horizon Europe,”暂停与以色列的关键贸易联系，甚至可能包括禁止某些地区的所有商品进口。
The Dutch parliament has interrupted its summer recess for an emergency meeting. Two members of Netanyahu’s cabinet have been banned from entering the Netherlands, making it the second EU country to sanction Israeli ministers after Sweden. The Netherlands also plans to advocate suspending the trade sections of the EU-Israel agreement. Dutch Foreign Minister Feldkamp bluntly stated that this is because “Brussels is moving slowly.”
Furthermore, Spain, Ireland, Norway, and Slovenia have already recognized the State of Palestine, not to mention the earlier Eastern European countries and Sweden. The pressure to coordinate a response to the Gaza war is increasing, and the consensus within the EU is further splitting. In an interview,欧盟委员会副主席里贝拉打破沉默，表示“几个月来几乎每周”都在敦促冯德莱恩采取更强硬的立场。这一切都是对力要扮演欧洲“领导角色”的德国的指责。
Italy is now joining Germany in opposing the European Commission’s plan, but Italy is also reconsidering its position, with some reports stating that “the situation that may emerge within a week needs to be seen.” Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani has stated that they will wait for the outcome of the UN meeting before making a decision.
The head of the Oxfam in the Palestinian region did not hold back on expressing his disappointment at the slow and feeble actions of the European Union, stating that “the EU cannot even agree on the smallest steps”, and that it is “a joke in the face of such great suffering.”
The German government has consistently pursued a strategy of using its close relationship with Israel as a bridge. “My purpose here is to prevent any cracks from emerging between the EU and Israel,” Wadful said after meeting with Netanyahu in Jerusalem. “Both sides must work together to prevent this.” However, Wadful did not mention the term “state rationality,” which has been commonly used by Germany to summarize its relationship with Israel since 2008.
As the upcoming shift approaches, discussions in Germany and Europe are full of emotions, reminding many people of the scenes when Germany and Israel established diplomatic relations in 1965. When the first German ambassador to Israel, Powers, arrived in Tel Aviv, many Holocaust survivors displayed banners with slogans such as “We have not forgotten” and “Israel does not want German diplomats.” Some politicians even denounced Germany as a “murderer’s nation.” Powers was once an officer in the Nazi army, but there is no evidence indicating that he committed any crimes.
Previously, the then-Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) had already paid huge reparations to Israel based on the Luxembourg Agreement signed in 1952, followed by extremely generous loans and technical assistance. Additionally, it provided covert arms support to Israel after 1960. The then-Chancellor Erhard believed that establishing diplomatic relations with Israel was a necessary step. Israeli Prime Minister Eshkol also expressed that Israel could not bear the consequences of having no diplomatic relations with its most important economic partner in Western Europe for a long time, and establishing relations could better mobilize Germany’s maximum support in the United Nations, both openly and covertly. In March 1965, the Federal Republic of Germany announced formal diplomatic relations with Israel, and has since provided steadfast support to Israel.
Today, Germany appears lonely in Brussels for its “loyalty” to Israel and is more constrained in its ambition to play a “leading role” in Europe. There is a deep moral order in the Western world after World War II that is rarely explicitly stated but understood by everyone: one must repay their debts before taking a leading role. Germany’s admission to a leading role in Europe is conditional on its full acknowledgment and deep reflection on its Nazi crimes. Through sincere apologies and compensation, Germany has gained political and emotional understanding from war victims, including the Israeli people, even if it sometimes appears excessive.
Regarding the current visit of Waddell to Israel, Müller, the senior leader of the SPD who accompanied him on the visit, explicitly expressed his “great disappointment” in the dialogue attitude of the Israeli government. Contrary to the positive results expected by German Chancellor Merz before the visit, Müller did not believe that Netanyahu was willing to take corresponding positive actions at present in terms of ceasefire, promoting humanitarian assistance, and removing illegal settlements on the West Bank.
“It is obvious that only by exerting tremendous pressure can we urge the Israeli government to take action,” Müller said.